Consider an illustrative scenario drawn from barriers documented in Ghana's maternal health system. In a rural district, a woman in labour begins to show early warning signs of complications. Her family seeks transport to the nearest clinic, but none is readily available, and valuable time passes before they can leave. When she finally arrives at the district hospital, the facility's single midwife on duty is already managing three other deliveries, and no blood is available for the transfusion her case requires. She survives. Two years earlier, in a similar situation, her sister did not.
Overlapping delays like these remain a serious concern. In a 2026 public statement, Deputy Health Minister Grace Ayensu-Danquah reported that Ghana recorded 986 maternal deaths in 2024, corresponding to a national maternal mortality ratio of 235 per 100,000 live births (Ayensu-Danquah, 2026). Separately, the Ghana Health Service reported an institutional maternal mortality ratio of 110 per 100,000 live births in 2024, up slightly from 109.22 in 2023 (Ghana Health Service, 2025). These figures come from different reporting systems and should not be compared directly, but both show that Ghana remains far from the Sustainable Development Goal target of fewer than 70 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births by 2030. The central question is not simply why women delay seeking care, but where the system fails them before they receive it.
A framework, not a verdict
In 1994, researchers Thaddeus and Maine introduced a model that has shaped how maternal deaths are studied worldwide, Ghana included (Thaddeus & Maine, 1994). It describes three delays that can each prove fatal: delay in deciding to seek care, delay in reaching an appropriate facility, and delay in receiving adequate care once there.
The third delay: what happens after arrival
Many of the conditions that kill mothers in Ghana, like haemorrhage, infection, eclampsia, obstructed labour, and septic abortion, don't have to be fatal (Afari et al., 2014). With the right staff, blood, and equipment on hand, most are treatable, but too many facilities simply don't have what they need in the moment it matters. Lawmakers have raised this concern as well, pushing for more trained midwives, better-equipped district hospitals, and stronger systems for tracking and responding to maternal deaths (Parliament of Ghana, 2025), a sign that the system's own response is just as important as how fast a woman gets there. Healthcare workers on the ground describe the same problem, with hospitals they refer patients to often short on beds, blood, drugs, and staff (Afari et al., 2014).
The second delay: the road there
Even a woman who recognizes danger early and decides to act can lose critical time simply getting to care. Rural areas without a dedicated ambulance may rely on informal transport, private vehicles, taxis, or sometimes nothing at all. Distance and cost then shape who receives timely care and who does not. Ghanaian lawmakers have called for every district hospital to have at least one ambulance for emergency obstetric transport, underscoring how basic this gap remains in parts of the country (Parliament of Ghana, 2025).
The first delay: deciding, and trusting
The decision to seek care is shaped by more than personal judgment. It reflects what a family believes will happen once they arrive. Fear of blood transfusions, distrust of larger facilities, and the cost of care all factor into when, or whether, a woman heads to a hospital at all (Afari et al., 2014). A health system with a track record of understaffed wards and blood shortages does more than fail the women who reach it. It teaches communities to hesitate before trying. Addressing the first delay, then, is inseparable from fixing the third. Trust follows evidence.
Where better data could help
Some interventions already show what is possible. The WhatsApp Triage, Referral, and Transfer project used smartphones and an online referral system across 16 rural health facilities in Ghana's Bono Region. The system helped health workers communicate about obstetric emergencies and prepare receiving facilities before patients arrived. KNUST reported that 306 referrals were made through the system during its first two years (KNUST Faculty of Allied Health Sciences, 2023). Similar principles could support real-time visibility into which facilities have blood in stock, an available bed, and staff on duty. Simple, well-maintained dashboards could help extend that coordination beyond individual pilot projects. The technology is not exotic, but scaling it would require reliable connectivity, staff participation, and ongoing support across facilities.
What separated them
In this illustrative scenario, one woman survives because a series of small delays does not compound into a fatal one. Her sister is less fortunate under circumstances that are, in most respects, the same. The difference is not effort or knowledge. It is whether the system around them responds in time to matter.
Sources
- Afari, H., Hirschhorn, L. R., Michaelis, A., Barker, P., & Sodzi-Tettey, S. (2014). Quality improvement in emergency obstetric referrals: Qualitative study of provider perspectives in Assin North district, Ghana. BMJ Open, 4(5), e005052.
- Ayensu-Danquah, G. (2026, August 6). Deputy Health Minister reveals 986 pregnant women died in 2024 [Statement during Maternal Mortality Action and Response Programme tour]. As reported in Adomonline.
- Ghana Health Service. (2025, December 2). Ghana records marginal increase in maternal mortality rate.
- KNUST Faculty of Allied Health Sciences. (2023, June 6). A WhatsApp Triage, Referral, and Transfer system has been designed for community and hospital-based obstetric emergencies.
- Parliament of Ghana. (2025, November 14). Floor statement on maternal mortality.
- Thaddeus, S., & Maine, D. (1994). Too far to walk: Maternal mortality in context. Social Science & Medicine, 38(8), 1091-1110.
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